Who We Are

Our intention is to inform people of racist, homophobic, religious extreme hate speech perpetrators across social networking internet sites. And we also aim to be a focal point for people to access information and resources to report such perpetrators to appropriate web sites, governmental departments and law enforcement agencies around the world.

We will also post relevant news worthy items and information on Human rights issues, racism, extremist individuals and groups and far right political parties from around the world although predominantly Britain.

Thursday 18 February 2010

You Tube White Supremacist Race Hate Video’s Posted By Child

A boy from Norfolk who posted "highly disturbing" white supremacist videos online has been given a two-year conditional discharge.
The boy, 17, who cannot be named for legal reasons, admitted two charges of inciting racial hatred on or before 22 April 2008 at King's Lynn Youth Court.
The boy was 15 when he was arrested for posting videos on YouTube.
The Crown Prosecution Service believes he is the youngest person in England and Wales prosecuted for the offence.

'Hate filled'
The boy also put material on a website he had set up himself, the court heard.
Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) lawyer Viv Goddard said: "This is thought to be the first time the CPS has prosecuted someone as young as this defendant for incitement to racial hatred after posting racially-inflammatory material on a social networking site.
"Young people need to realise that it is not a joke to post hate-filled material on video-sharing websites or sites they set up themselves.
"The material in this case was not just offensive but highly disturbing in its violence and imagery."

'Seeking attention'
Mrs Goddard said it was difficult for the youth to deny responsibility as he had either filmed himself expressing racist opinions or had supplied his own comments as a voice over.
He had insisted that those who wanted to view his site had to agree to statements before they were allowed access, the lawyer said.
These statements included "I do swear and verify that I am of the white race" and "I am not or have never been a follower of the Jewish religion".
The boy also stipulated that viewers "believe in the segregation of the races" and "have never engaged in an inter-racial relationship".
Defence lawyers told the court the youngster had special needs and had been seeking attention.

BBC
 
Incidentlay we at the Stand Up To Hate know that race hate vidoes are a serious issue on You Tube and we fully support the "lets fix You Tube movment"
 


sign the petition. lets fix you tube

http://www.youtube.com/user/kissthehategoodbye

Czech court dissolves far-right Extremist Workers´ Party at request of govt

The court appointed lawyer Radslav Janecek explains the reasoning of the judgment.
The DS´s (Workers Party) party programme contains xenophobia, chauvinism, homophobia and a racist subtext. It spreads fears of foreigners and creates feelings of danger, the court said.
This was the government´s second proposal for the NSS to dissolve the DS. Jan Fischer´s caretaker cabinet submitted it last autumn.
Earlier last year the NSS turned down the first proposal, submitted by the previous government of Mirek Topolanek, due to insufficient evidence.
This time, the government came up with a better-founded material. For example, it cited an expert saying that the DS´s symbols and vocabulary stick to Hitler´s national socialism.
During the NSS´s four-day proceedings in January, the government´s lawyer Tomas Sokol submitted tens of documents, including a video from street brawls in Litvinov-Janov, north Bohemia, a housing estate with prevailing Romany population.
The court also heard police experts in extremism.
The government says the DS poses a threat to democracy, cooperates with neo-Nazis and strives for totalitarianism.
Dismissing this, the DS says the government´s proposal expediently aims to silence a burdensome political rival.
Though invited by the NSS, DS members refused to give their testimony. Only DS chairman Tomas Vandas spoke during the proceedings as his party´s representative.
Vandas previously said the DS candidates would take part in the May general election even if the party were dissolved meanwhile. The DS may lodge a constitutional complaint against the verdict, or its members may switch to another party, such as the allied Workers´ Party of Social Justice, he said.
About 30 supporters of the DS gathered outside the NSS building today, holding flags and banners. One of them wanted to unfold a flag with the DS symbol but the police prevented this.
ceskenoviny.cz

St. Petersburg Police Detain Neo-Nazis on Explosives and Weapons Charges (Russia)

Police in St. Petersburg, Russia have made several detentions of neo-Nazis in connection with three explosions in that city targeting ethnic minorities, according to a February 9, 2010 report by the Sova
Information-Analytical Center. Two of the suspects are former members of the now defunct Russian National Unity organization. One of the suspects was allegedly in possession of explosives. On January 25, 2009 police detained two university students in connection with the same explosions. A homemade pistol, explosives and knives were allegedly confiscated from the suspects' homes. On February 6, 2010 police
detained two more suspects--both members of the "National Socialism--White Power" gang. In addition to involvement in the explosions, police are charging them with the December 25, 2009 murder
of a citizen of Ghana.
There is no information in the report indicating that the suspects face extremism or hate crimes charges.
UCSJ

American Renaissance conference Cancelled Again! Well that’s what they are claiming.

The American Renaissance are once more claiming that their annual racist fascist-fest has been cancelled again.

But as this is the second time in less than 5 days they have stated this I think it’s best we wait and see.
The full story can be read here.

The One Peoples Project

Racist graffiti on French mosque for 6th time (France)

France's main Muslim group says a mosque has been defaced with racist graffiti in the sixth such incident this year.
The head of the French Council of the Muslim Faith says racist words were painted over the weekend on the walls of the mosque in Sorgues, in the picturesque Vaucluse region.
It is the sixth time this year that a French mosque has been tarnished by racist graffiti. Mohammed Moussaoui says that Muslims now have a right to ask about the "real objectives" behind these acts.
He noted that his group which brings together various Muslim tendencies has called numerous times for a parliamentary inquiry into Islamophobia, to no avail.
Islam is France's second most-practiced religion after Roman Catholicism.
 newsok.com

'National Front' attack on home (Northern Ireland)

An Indian couple living in the Waterside area of the city have been targeted in a late night racist attack.

The couple, who asked not to be named, awoke to find ‘NF’ and ‘Out’ daubed on their front door, black paint poured over their car and three of its tyres slashed.
The incident took place in the early hours of Tuesday morning
 
Speaking about the attack the householder also revealed that, on occasions, the family car has had stones thrown at it as they drove through the estate.
On the latest incident, she said: “My husband awoke to find the ‘NF Out’ sign painted on the kitchen window to the front of out home. When he went outside to investigate, he saw they had also slashed three tyres on the car.
“I’m very scared as my husband and I work opposite shifts. I can’t even walk home from work on my own anymore. I just don’t feel safe here anymore. We are already looking into moving out of the area.”
The woman, who moved to the area 18 months ago, was full of praise for her neighbours following the attack.
“The neighbours helped us remove the paint and clean the windows and the PSNI have been very helpful following the attack” she said. “The crime prevention officer was very kind to us. To be honest, the neighbours have been good to us and the car is perfect now.”

Police confirmed they were investigating damage caused to the house and car. A spokeperson said: “The incident is being treated as racially motivated and police would appeal for anyone who was in the area and saw suspicious activity to contact Strand Road police station.”The telephone number to call with any information is 0845 600 8000. Alternatively information can be passed on anonymously through the 'Crimestoppers' charity on freephone 0800555111.

Serbian Extremists Using Social Networking Sites To Spread Their Hate Propaganda

A very interesting post appeared at the Transitions Online website about how Serbian extremists are using social networking site to promote, recruit, and inform people about their hate agenda.
Obviously this comes as no surprise to us at the Stand Up To Hate blog or the Stop Racism Canada web site. It’s being done by nearly all the hate groups/political parties currently active in the world.
Anyway it’s a very interesting item and well worth reading.

Originally posted by By Jelena Maksimovic at Transitions Online

SERBIAN EXTREMISM’S FRESH NEW FACE

It has become a truism of political activists that if you want to engage young people in politics you must work through social media. Though hailed as tools designed to increase people’s participation in civic life, ultimately leading to social change, social networks, blogs, and Twitter can be used by groups with radically different motives. In Serbia the definitive example is the intense campaign against last fall’s Belgrade Pride day, led by several extreme nationalist groups for whom social media are the prime channel of communication. As right-wing groups threatened to disrupt the gay and lesbian parade, authorities asked event organizers to move it to a less central location, but they refused, instead deciding to cancel it. Many people were dismayed by these events, seeing them as the state caving in to violent extremists.


In recent years, Serbia has witnessed the rise of nationalist right-wing groups, notably Serbian National Movement 1389 (SNP 1389). Alongside its anti-EU graffiti and participation in demonstrations against the independence of Kosovo, Internet users know SNP 1389 as one of the most diligent nationalist organizations active in social media. SNP 1389’s Facebook group has more than 8,000 members, many of whom post photos and messages on the page. Hate speech is tolerated by the group’s administrators. Ahead of Belgrade Gay Pride, some discussed how to prevent the parade from taking place. One member wrote on the group’s message “wall”: “I am concerned that they [gay and lesbian rights supporters] have organized themselves so well and that we will not be able to approach them, as the cops will seal all the access points. If the ‘faggot ball’ goes ahead without any trouble, it will be a huge problem for us. As far as I know, ‘our forces’ have not organized anything.”
Extremists' backers remain obscure
Hired by Belgrade Pride organizers to assess the security risks around the event, Zoran Dragisic, a professor at Belgrade University’s Faculty of Security Studies, analyzed the websites of SNP 1389 and Obraz, another prominent nationalist group. He found that they make no attempt to conceal their agenda. “Their ideology is always accessible, as they are using similar tools to those utilized by groups engaged in political terrorism. Their motives are always transparent,” he said. When the two organizations’ leaders were arrested after they led their supporters to the location reserved for Belgrade Pride on the day planned for the parade, they instantly became rebels to be revered by a growing number of supporters. The number of “fans” on the SNP 1389 Facebook page tripled from 600 to 1800 when leader Misa Vacic was sent to jail for 30 days on a charge of disturbing public order. Group members posted his “letters from prison” as a blog and on Twitter. Grass-roots initiatives have long been considered the domain of liberal youth. Following Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence in 2008, a short-lived, informal group known as Biro began producing videos as a backlash against the Belgrade government’s myopic focus on Kosovo. Videos such as “I am Not Your People Kostunica,” distributed on YouTube, addressed to the then-prime minister, voiced concern that Serbia was returning to its nationalist past, putting social and economic reforms on the back burner.

One of the founders of Biro, Vladimir Milovanovic, brands these activities as “emotional activism,” explaining that at the time he “felt that things were distorted and that such a perception of reality was not good for the society and myself, as a part of that society.” However, the group soon saw the limitations of YouTube activism as, according to Milovanovic, “The paradox lay in the fact that more than 1,000 people wanted to participate in our activities, while not a single foundation wanted to help us financially.” That view backs up the feeling among many activists that although social media are ideal tools for mobilizing many people quickly, in the long run civil activism still must be sustained in the time-tested ways. The financing of nationalist groups remains a murky area in Serbia. Security expert Dragisic sees a clear link between the state, which was reluctant to protect the Pride participants, and extremist groups. “These groups are the tip of the iceberg; they appear in the form of a dislocation of power from state institutions. Organizations like these can now prevent any public gathering from taking place. But their leaders are both financially and intellectually incapable of organizing such forceful movements,” he said. Although conclusive evidence is lacking, many Serbian journalists and analysts believe that elements of the Milosevic-era secret police remain in place in state bodies, from where they use their influence to support extreme nationalist organizations.

Facebook wars
Serbian authorities have hardened their public attitude toward extremists since the uproar surrounding the cancellation of Belgrade Pride in September, announcing a closer watch on the activities of extreme nationalist groups, as well as football hooligans. Although ahead of the event State Prosecutor Slobodan Radovanovic had dismissed the threats to gays and lesbians (graffiti in central Belgrade warned, “We are waiting for you”), as “polemics,” after it was cancelled he announced that all activities of extreme nationalist groups would be investigated and that such groups would be banned if their activities were shown to be unconstitutional. Perhaps emboldened by their success in stopping the gay pride parade, nationalist groups then returned to one of their main battlegrounds – stopping Serbia’s integration into Western institutions. For most Serbs, the most tangible evidence yet of the country’s closer ties to the EU came on 19 December with the end of the visa requirements for travel to the Schengen area, a step that the government headed by Prime Minister Mirko Cvetkovic had made a priority when it took office 18 months ago. Nationalist rhetoric kept on hammering on favorite themes such as the preservation of Serbia’s historic territory, including Kosovo, the notion that the EU will require Belgrade to recognize Kosovo’s independence as a condition for accession, or that joining NATO is also a prerequisite.

On 12 January 200 people, including academics, public personalities, journalists, and politicians, urged the government to call a referendum on Serbia’s potential candidacy for NATO. Similar topics occupy the blogs and Facebook pages of nationalist groups. The SNP 1389 blog lists reasons against Serbia joining the EU: instead of inflammatory language, it features complaints about the “democratic deficit,” how the union is led by unelected bureaucrats “known for inefficiency and corruption,” and the “useless and expensive” European Parliament. Alongside the more active groups such as SNP 1389 and Obraz, others, not outwardly extremist, but with nationalistic content, are present in all former Yugoslav countries and are in a “Facebook war” with one another. Their main goal is to accumulate as many supporters as possible for causes such as “Thank God I’m Croatian” (about 10,000 members), “Let’s See How Many Serbs Are on Facebook” (more than 145,000 members), and “Group for Abolishing Republika Srpska and the Federation and in Support of a United Bosnia and Herzegovina” (11,000 members). Most are not very active, but the content of the Serbian groups, typically proclamations that Kosovo is still part of Serbia, calls to uphold traditional values, as well as homophobic statements, should be taken seriously as an indicator of the prevailing sympathies of a sizeable part of Serbian youth.

As in many countries, Facebook is the most popular website among Serbian youth, research conducted in 2008 by the international journalism support organization IREX showed. Another unsurprising finding was that the Internet has primacy over newspapers and TV among young people. Under the guise of free speech, nationalist and extremist groups are using all available tools to mobilize their supporters and recruit more members. Their ideology is reflected both in social media aimed primarily at young people and in news stories in popular tabloid papers, known as a buttress of illiberalism in Serbian society since the wars of the 1990s. In order to counteract the influence of hard-line nationalist views among youth it’s necessary to start with the schools, says Marko Karadzic, the state secretary in the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights and one of Serbia’s most vocal proponents of the rights of people outside the mainstream of society. “There is a wider problem of young people’s education. Their teachers are not instructed on how to promote tolerance among the students,” Karadzic said in a discussion after the screening of a documentary film on nationalist groups. “If we don’t change that, physical bans of these groups will be futile.” Political divisions in Serbian society are played out in the online sphere and are engaging not just supporters of nationalist movements. Biro’s Milovanovic says he notes something he calls “civic fascism,” where “people who stand for liberal ideas are compelled to engage in discussions with people with different political opinions in a banal and vulgar way. The ideology is not crucial here. There is aggression, anger, and discontent on all sides.”

Despite banning Nazi symbols, Germany's constitution and legal tradition complicate cases against neo-Nazis

BERLIN, Germany — The government of the state of Bavaria has said it will soon request that Germany's highest courts ban the country's largest far-right party, the National Democratic Party (NPD), for subverting the tenets of the national constitution.
It's a policy that is popular among most of the public, and has earned backing from both of the country's major parties. But it's also a course of action that most political elites acknowledge has little chance of success.
"There's very little chance of the courts accepting this argument," said Wolfgang Hoffmann-Riem, a former justice on Germany's Constitutional Court.
This is not the first time the German government has considered how to position itself toward the crimes of the country's past. Indeed, the history of post-World War II Germany is fraught with morally dubious decisions toward the legacy of Nazism — from Konrad Adenauer's choice in the 1950s to avoid a thorough de-Nazification of his government, to the Red Army Fraction's campaign in the 1970s to purify West Germany of its Nazi-era sins by means of terrorism and murder.
Nonetheless, the contemporary German state has mostly tried in good faith to feel its way toward an ad hoc accomodation of its Nazi past, one that acknowledges the unique scourge of the Third Reich, while protecting the core freedoms of a liberal democracy. Symbols from the Nazi-era, such as the swastika or the "Heil Hitler" salute, are illegal in Germany, but far-right political groups have also been granted equal right to hold demonstrations to air their views. Holocaust denial is punishable by imprisonment, but neo-Nazi parties have been tolerated as long as they draw no explicit links with the Nazi regime.
The policies might sometimes may seem contradictory, but they are meant to hang together as a carefully managed compromise, one that pays respect both to the tragic origins and the decades-long success of the modern, democratic German state.
But, when it comes to the NPD, the country's largest far-right party, many Germans insist that the government redraw the boundaries between freedom of expression and historical deference. Indeed, the calls for action against the NPD have gotten louder in recent years, a development coincident with the party's increasing successes, especially in eastern Germany.
The party has earned seats in a number of state legislatures by winning more than 5 percent in several state-wide elections, which has also given it the right to receive government campaign financing. Charlotte Knoblauch, head of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, supports the renewed effort to ban the party, insisting that it's unacceptable that the party receives tax money to spread its "racist propoganda."
However personally sympathetic German judges may be to such pleas, they say they can't do anything about the party unless the state can conclusively prove that it is explicitly subverting the German constitution. That sets the bar very high: Party leaders would have to be documented laying out plans to install a dictatorship, or belittling the victims of totalitarianism. Gathering such evidence in the public sphere is a madenning process, as NPD lawyers carefully monitor party rhetoric so that it tiptoes up to, without crossing, the legal boundaries.
The German government has tried other methods to gain damning evidence against the NPD, but those have only led to other legal difficulties. Indeed, an attempt by the federal government in 2003 to ban the party relied heavily on evidence gathered by government agents who operated as undercover spies within the NPD organization. The Constitutional Court claimed it couldn't distinguish between the government agents' observations of the NPD activities, and their own participation and possible instigation of those activities. Legal experts, including former justice Hoffmann-Riem, have suggested that the very fact that undercover government agents are still in force in the NPD organization means that any legal case against the party would be weakened from the get-go.
Interestingly, it's primarily politicians from eastern Germany, where the NPD is strongest, who have most strongly resisted calls to ban the party. They argue that the only sustainable way to combat neo-Nazi radicalism is through the normal channels of the liberal state — namely, open debate and argument. "Even if you banned the NPD party, they would just rename themselves and come back the next week," said Andreas Adammer, a resident of Potsdam in the state of Brandenburg, where the NPD has enjoyed success in past elections.
Of course, the contrasting strategies for dealing with the NPD can and will most likely be pursued in parallel. Indeed, while Bavaria pursues its case against the NPD, some 8000 neo-Nazis are expected to gather in Dresden Saturday to mark the 65th anniversary of the Allied bombing of that city in the final year of World War II. A police presence will be on hand to ensure that the Nazi sympathizers have the opportunity to air their slogans, which compare Allied firebombing to Nazi atrocities. But, they are also expected to be met by a group of counter-protesters whose numbers will double their own.
minnpost